The world's women now converging
on Beijing suddenly loom as a great force
at the very moment when deadly new games
of violence and greed seem to be taking
over the entire world. Are women irrelevant
to those power players? They may think
so; they may wish women would just stop
talking about values, human rights, about
the concerns of children and the environment,
the old and the poor, the whole social
agenda that men now seizing power in many
lands want to reverse. But where are we
heading?
I came to China in June at the request
of the United States Information Agency
to talk to women in five cities about
the U.S. women's movement. I accepted
because of my own concern over what
message the Beijing meeting could offer
at this moment about the future of the
women's movement.
At the first World Conference on Women,
in Mexico in 1975, most of the official
delegates were men, or the wives or
secretaries of male politicians. The
real action took place at the NGO forum
- the assembly of nongovernmental organizations
traditionally held adjacent to the big
U.N. conferences. When it became clear
that various powers - Communist and
Muslim, Vatican and fundamentalists,
dictators and demagogues from Third
World nations - did not want their women
infected with ideas about equality and
women's rights, we marched. And a global
network of women was born.
Now, in 1995, ideas about the equality
of women with men, about our right to
participate in society, to earn fair pay,
to control our own bodies, to speak with
our own voice in political decisions,
are taken for granted by most women in
the United States (and increasingly in
the world). But sexual politics - reifying
women's oppression and victimization by
men - has come to dominate women's studies
and feminist thought.
Meanwhile, a growing resentment against
women threatens our economic and political
empowerment in ways that sexual politics
can't solve - and may even exacerbate.
I saw the "angry white male" backlash
coming, even before the 1994 election,
in new data on the fall-in-income in the
last five years of college-educated white
men. They have been the real targets
of job downsizing. Their frustration is
building - and talk-radio hosts, the religious
right and the new leaders in Congress
are manipulating that economic insecurity
into rage against women and minorities.
Increased violence against women, the
political war on welfare mothers and children,
and the new attack on affirmative action
may be symptoms of that rage. Growing
unemployment and the resultant backlash
against women can also be seen worldwide.
In Muslim countries, women have been pushed
back under the veil. With the end of communism,
women in the former Soviet countries are
being told to go home again and losing
political voice.
So I've wondered how, at this time of
global economic insecurity, women could
even maintain their gains, much less continue
to advance. And I've realized that they
can't - not as long as they focus on women's
issues alone or on women versus men. The
problems in our fast-changing world require
a new paradigm of social policy, transcending
all "identity politics" - women,
blacks, gays, the disabled. Pursuing the
separate interests of women isn't adequate
and is even diversionary. Instead, there
has to be some new vision of community.
We need to reframe the concept of success.
We need to campaign - men and women, whites
and blacks - for a shorter workweek, a
higher minimum wage, an end to the war
against social-welfare programs. "Women's
issues" are symptoms of problems that
affect everyone.
The women's movement is not going to fade
away, but should become part of a mosaic,
bridging the polarization. We must confront
the backlash realistically; we must not
allow ourselves to become part of the
politics of hate. The basis of women's
empowerment is economic - that's what
is in danger now. And it can't be saved
by countering the hatred of women with
a hatred of men.
So, yes, I am concerned - but I'm optimistic,
too, from talking to women from Russia,
Brazil, India, Spain, Japan, Africa and
others at the U.N. preparatory conference
in New York. They were working to draft
the document that will be adopted at Beijing.
It contains every possible item of women's
unfinished business of equality, the elimination
of all forms of violence against women,
from wife beating and the dowry system
to genital mutilation, from the measurement
of women's unpaid work, to new arrangements
of work that will permit more of a partnership
of men with women in nurturing children.
It includes affirmative action for women
in employment and in their representation
in political leadership - including in
the United Nations itself, proportionally
to their numbers in the population. It
gives women new control of their health,
not only in their reproductive years but
throughout the life cycle. The Vatican
wants to change the word "woman" wherever
possible to "mother". To define
women as mothers in the face of the reality
of an 80-year life span in which motherhood
can occupy only a few years would be a
paradox indeed.
In fact, the very holding of this conference
in China seems a paradox. There is no
women's movement in China, though they
have equal rights - on paper. When I landed
in Beijing in June, the nervousness about
the coming meeting was palpable. I learned
that the Chinese delegations to Cairo
and the Copenhagen social summit had been
shocked by the assertiveness of the women's
caucuses there. Women like Madame Chiang
Kai-shek and Mao's wife had terrifying
power. Ever since Tiananmen Square, things
have been too tense here to permit any
kind of democratic demonstration. So the
40,000 women at the NGO conference must
get their business done at workshops and
plenary sessions. They may have fantasies
of demonstrating in Tiananmen Square,
but I do not fancy the thought of American
feminists ending up in Chinese prisons.
The message from Beijing must be a
reverberating vow that women will not
be held down, put back or marginalized
by any new government, political or
religious power.
On Aug. 26, 1970, the 50th anniversary
of American women's gaining the right
to vote, I led 50,000 women down Fifth
Avenue in a Women's Strike for Equality
- the explosion of the modern women's
movement. This year, on the 75th anniversary,
I leave for Beijing. Our job now is
to move beyond polarization to a vision
of community that can unite us as decent
people. Are women strong enough to join
or even lead men in finding that new
vision? We won't stop talking
about human values. But women, after
all, cannot hold up more than half the
sky.